{"id":21607,"date":"2023-09-19T07:49:21","date_gmt":"2023-09-19T07:49:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/peacerep.org\/?p=21607"},"modified":"2023-09-19T10:15:16","modified_gmt":"2023-09-19T10:15:16","slug":"rethinking-development-means-rethinking-conflict-resolution","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gentest.cahss.ed.ac.uk\/dev-peacerep\/2023\/09\/19\/rethinking-development-means-rethinking-conflict-resolution\/","title":{"rendered":"Rethinking development means rethinking conflict resolution"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>The UK government is currently working on a new White Paper on International Development. As Minister of State for Development and Africa in the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO), Andrew Mitchell, <a href=\"https:\/\/questions-statements.parliament.uk\/written-statements\/detail\/2023-07-18\/hcws969\">stated in the Commons in July 2023<\/a>, this White Paper \u2018will set out how the UK will lead the charge against extreme poverty and climate change in a changing world.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>The White Paper will build on the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.gov.uk\/government\/publications\/uk-governments-strategy-for-international-development\">International Development Strategy<\/a> and the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.gov.uk\/government\/publications\/integrated-review-refresh-2023-responding-to-a-more-contested-and-volatile-world\">Integrated Review Refresh 2023<\/a> and set out the UK\u2019s approach to international development up until 2030, the year the international community will take stock of its delivery on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).<\/p>\n<p>The White Paper comes at a critical time for the UK after the merger of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and the Department for International Development (DFID) and after Covid-19 pandemic-related <a href=\"https:\/\/www.devex.com\/news\/uk-aid-budget-totally-transformed-as-another-1-5b-cut-looms-105249\">budget cuts to international development<\/a> with aid spending in recent years falling below the statutory target of 0.7 per cent of the UK\u2019s national income. The White Paper provides an important opportunity to rethink and reform the UK\u2019s approach to development.<\/p>\n<h4>Why peace negotiations matter to development<\/h4>\n<p>PeaceRep has submitted evidence to the UK government to inform the formulation of the White Paper. The central message is that <strong>rethinking development means rethinking conflict resolution<\/strong>. Armed conflict is one of the main challenges to development, and the impact of conflict on development is likely to increase in the near term. According to the Peace Research Institute Oslo, 2022 marked the year with the <a href=\"https:\/\/cdn.cloud.prio.org\/files\/dc754702-b1ec-4787-97bb-7a41f187036a\/Obermeier%20%20Rustad%20-%20Conflict%20Trends%20A%20Global%20Overview%201946-2022%20PRIO%20Paper%202023.pdf?inline=true\">highest number of battle-related deaths<\/a> in state-based conflicts since 1984 (upwards of 20,400 deaths). The World Bank projects that the percentage of \u2018global extreme poor\u2019 living in contexts characterised by \u2018fragility, conflict, and violence\u2019 will only increase, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.worldbank.org\/en\/topic\/fragilityconflictviolence\/overview#1\">rising up to 59 per cent by 2030<\/a>. Peace negotiations and conflict resolution are therefore critical to the success of the UK\u2019s future development efforts.<\/p>\n<p>As an inter-disciplinary research project, PeaceRep works at the cross-section of peace processes, development, and humanitarian assistance, and its peace process data underscores the deeply interconnected nature of these issues: 54 per cent of non-local peace agreements signed since 1990 contain provisions on socio-economic reconstruction (<a href=\"https:\/\/www.peaceagreements.org\/search\">PA-X Peace Agreement Database<\/a>). Main issues discussed in peace agreements include development, national economic plans, natural resources, international funding, business, taxation, and banks. Non-local peace agreements also provide detailed provisions on a wide range of other development issues, including governance (60 per cent), justice sector reform (21 per cent), or land, property, and the environment (26 per cent).<\/p>\n<h4>The increasing \u2018fragmentation\u2019 of conflict systems and peace processes<\/h4>\n<p>As the UK government rethinks its development approach, the field of conflict resolution itself is undergoing a moment of deep introspection. Established conflict resolution approaches and tools seem increasingly inadequate in the current context \u2013 if they ever were adequate. As the United Nations Secretary-General Ant\u00f3nio Guterres <a href=\"https:\/\/press.un.org\/en\/2023\/sgsm21885.doc.htm\">noted<\/a> when his office launched the \u2018<a href=\"https:\/\/www.un.org\/sites\/un2.un.org\/files\/our-common-agenda-policy-brief-new-agenda-for-peace-en.pdf\">New Agenda for Peace<\/a>\u2019, we find ourselves in a \u2018new era [\u2026] marked by the highest level of geopolitical tensions and major power competition in decades.\u2019 Accompanying current levels of geopolitical competition are the <a href=\"https:\/\/unfccc.int\/blog\/what-is-the-triple-planetary-crisis\">triple planetary crisis<\/a> of climate change, air pollution, and biodiversity loss, <a href=\"https:\/\/carnegieendowment.org\/2022\/10\/20\/understanding-and-responding-to-global-democratic-backsliding-pub-88173\">democratic backsliding<\/a>, a <a href=\"https:\/\/news.un.org\/en\/story\/2022\/01\/1109452\">resurgence in coups<\/a>, food insecurity, and other rapid societal transformations that pose significant challenges to development and conflict resolution.<\/p>\n<p>Even more fundamentally, and partly as a result of these trends, conflict systems are increasingly splintering and metastasizing. Humanitarian, development, and peacemaking landscapes are also fragmenting due to the heightened geopolitics and the failure of the international community to cohere efforts in today\u2019s protracted crises. Indeed, as PeaceRep research shows, there have been significant changes to the composition of third-party constellations in peace processes. The engagement of Western countries as peace agreement signatories, for example, has been decreasing in recent years while that of some non-Western countries \u2013 particularly Kenya, Qatar, and Turkey \u2013 is increasing (<a href=\"https:\/\/peacerep.org\/publication\/third-parties-peace-agreements-data-trends\/\">Badanjak 2023<\/a>).<\/p>\n<h4>How the UK can make a difference<\/h4>\n<p>Based on PeaceRep\u2019s research, and looking at the track record of the UK\u2019s engagement in conflict-affected countries, the White Paper on International Development could chart out at least three concrete ways in which the UK can support development and conflict resolution:<\/p>\n<p>First, the UK should lead the way by providing <strong>a vision of a new collective diplomacy<\/strong>, that is capable of ending and preventing armed conflict. As a necessary first step this must include publicly committing to and working collectively to rebuild a rules-based international legal order. The UK could leverage its strength in \u2018convening and brokering\u2019 actors to cohere peace and development efforts in increasingly fragmented conflict systems and peace processes. In doing so, the UK should draw on its \u2018thought leadership\u2019, influence as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, and its longstanding commitment to civic participation in development and peacebuilding. The aim should be to provide a vision for preventive diplomacy capable of engaging armed actors to end conflict in ways that create future government that is acceptable to civilians, and to prevent conflict re-occurrence. The UK should seek to broaden and deepen peace processes to go beyond \u2018elite pacts\u2019 and instead work to reconstitute \u2018<a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.lse.ac.uk\/crp\/2019\/05\/22\/kaldor-civicness\/\">civicness<\/a>\u2019 and the social contract with society.<\/p>\n<p>Second, building on its ambition to be a leader in the fields of artificial intelligence, data, and technology, the UK should fund and drive innovation in these fields, and further <strong>link humanitarian, peace, and development data provision and political analysis<\/strong>. This linking will support creative approaches to development and community peacebuilding support that are so desperately needed. Critically, joint analysis will enable integrated programming that combines development and peace work, ensuring communities benefit from the economic \u2018peace dividends\u2019 of increased stability. To that end, the UK should foster data and PeaceTech innovation, and the work that <a href=\"https:\/\/peacerep.org\/digital-resources\/\">PeaceRep and others have been pioneering<\/a> \u2013 we term it \u2018peace analytics\u2019 (<a href=\"https:\/\/link.springer.com\/book\/9783031388934\">Bell 2023<\/a>), bringing together public and private technology innovators with humanitarian and development workers and peacebuilders.<\/p>\n<p>Third, the UK should <strong>make long-term commitments to development and research funding<\/strong> that can build trust with fund recipients, and re-establish the UK as a reliable partner. These investments should fund locally-led, climate and gender-sensitive, and multi-annual programmes that tackle the root causes of armed conflict. Along similar lines, International Alert, Search for Common Ground, and World Vision recently made a case that the UK should <a href=\"https:\/\/www.devex.com\/news\/opinion-a-clear-case-for-doubling-uk-aid-for-conflict-prevention-105956\">double its funding for conflict prevention<\/a>. On the tech front, funds should be used to reshape the incentive structure to require partnership, data interoperability, shared platforms, and sustainability of data collection. The UK should also understand intellectual capital as a key resource to support conflict resolution and continue to fund multi-disciplinary research. Scholars from conflict-affected countries should lead these efforts, and their \u2018intellectual sovereignty\u2019 should be supported at all times. This research will be the fuel for the UK\u2019s \u2018thought leadership\u2019 in a rapidly evolving international context.<\/p>\n<h4>No development without peace, no peace without development<\/h4>\n<p>To conclude, as the UK rethinks its international development priorities it should also rethink its approach to conflict resolution. The new White Paper will be published in a context of flux and fragmentation \u2013 for the UK to successfully \u2018lead the charge\u2019 in resolving some of the world\u2019s most pressing development challenges, it should put conflict resolution front and centre of its development efforts. There is no development without peace in conflict-affected states, and equally there are few prospects for peace to be sustainable when reconciled communities do not experience a tangible improvement in their day-to-day lives. Development and conflict resolution therefore go hand in hand. The UK should use this opportunity to leverage its international standing and influence for better and more inclusive development: By providing a new vision for preventive diplomacy, driving technological and data innovation across the humanitarian, development, and peace nexus, and committing to funding that is long term and builds trust.<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Note: Please note that nothing herein should be taken as the individual view of the organisations in the PeaceRep consortium.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>As the UK government works on a new White Paper on International Development, Tim Epple offers insights into rethinking development and conflict 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