{"id":8641,"date":"2019-05-05T10:57:40","date_gmt":"2019-05-05T10:57:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/peacerep.org\/?p=8641"},"modified":"2020-04-22T05:53:50","modified_gmt":"2020-04-22T05:53:50","slug":"gender-perspectives-in-peace-processes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gentest.cahss.ed.ac.uk\/dev-peacerep\/2019\/05\/05\/gender-perspectives-in-peace-processes\/","title":{"rendered":"Gender Perspectives in Peace Processes"},"content":{"rendered":"

Those who work in refuges for women escaping from domestically violent men become accustomed to seeing certain injuries, like signs of strangulation, bitemarks, bruises, bald patches where hair has been torn from the head.\u00a0 Refuge workers with Women\u2019s Aid in Northern Ireland, interviewed as part of research conducted in 1992 by Monica McWilliams and Joan McKiernan, spoke of a particular mark they had been shown by some of the women they were protecting.\u00a0 \u201cThis was a circular bruise on the neck,\u201d recalls Professor McWilliams.\u00a0 \u201cIt was caused by the muzzle of a gun.\u201d The political conflict known as the Troubles was intense at the time, and police, British soldiers and republican and loyalist paramilitaries were all armed.\u00a0 What Women\u2019s Aid was witnessing was one of the gendered impacts of armed conflict \u2013 there were men who were using weapons to which they had access for purposes they variously described as being to wage armed struggle, to protect the community, to keep the peace, or to deal with terrorists \u2013 to terrorise, dominate and harm women.\u00a0 This was \u201cmilitarised masculinity\u201d in action.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>When the Political Settlements Research Programme (PSRP)<\/a> consortium, led by the Global Justice Academy at the University of Edinburgh, set out to investigate the gender dynamic of political settlements, it did so with the awareness that it would need to dig deep in order to uncover what co-ordinator Dr Catherine O\u2019Rourke calls \u201cthe gendered and sexed nature of the basic concepts\u201d.\u00a0 First and most obvious among these is the term \u201cviolence\u201d.\u00a0 This, O\u2019Rourke reports, was understood to be something that happened between armed factions. The PSRP had a feminist approach, which is to say applying itself to work aimed at ending women\u2019s inequality, and taking it as well established that violence against women is both a symptom of such inequality and a cause of its persistence.<\/p>\n

It was obvious, then, that a key area of work would involve looking at violence against women in the context of the other violence, the violence that was recognised as conflict and deemed to require political settlement. \u00a0The former takes place largely in private, the latter in public.\u00a0 The PSRP identified an \u201cimplicit conception of the political settlement as a public sphere phenomenon, insulated from private sphere gender relations.\u201d \u00a0This had to be challenged. As O\u2019Rourke comments<\/a>, \u201cThe personal is political is a powerful feminist mantra, but it is also a defining tenet of feminist research design.\u201d \u00a0The programme adopted an innovative structure which looked at the issues in a global context and crucially drew in the voices of community based organisations as well as those of individual women, some of them scattered by conflict as refugees.\u00a0 Funding from the UK\u2019s Department for International Development with a remit to benefit developing countries enabled the gender project to do ambitious work, and the Programme also cooperated with UN Women with regards to its Middle East and North Africa focus.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Dr Aisling Swaine did a comparative study of conflict related violence<\/a> against women in Liberia, Timor Leste and Northern Ireland.\u00a0 She found that any understanding of the issue had to start with an investigation of the degree and range of such violence that was regarded as \u201cnormal\u201d in pre-conflict society.\u00a0 \u201cDuring the wars in Liberia women experienced mass violence including rape, sexual slavery and forced marriage.\u00a0 This did not emerge out of nowhere.\u00a0 Before the war men practised polygamy and marriages were agreed among men without seeking the consent of women.\u00a0 In Timor women were \u201cgiven\u201d in marriage by men.\u00a0 The country has a history that includes Portugese occupation for 300 years, the Japanese occupation, the Indonesian period, and the presence of UN peacekeepers.\u00a0 These were 4 patriarchal iterations, all characterised by violence against women including sexual abuse.\u00a0 Women were shamed and ostractised.\u00a0 They had children as a result of rape,\u201d she says.\u00a0 \u201cIn Northern Ireland domestic violence and rape were occurring before the conflict.\u00a0 What happens is that when a conflict erupts, the \u201cnorms\u201d get corrupted.\u201d<\/p>\n

In Liberia, rape has been recognised as a war crime which was used strategically. In NI, because there was no evidence of widespread \u201cstrategic\u201d rape within the conflict, insufficient attention was paid to the opportunistic use of all forms of violence against women in their homes and within families and communities.\u00a0 It wasn\u2019t just that men had guns \u2013 it was also that, for example, women were largely unprotected in a society that had traditionally turned a blind eye to gender based violence.\u00a0 Many saw the police as partisan and not to be trusted, or were unable to go to the police because they were regarded as an enemy force by the male combatants within her community.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

McWilliams was able to make a particularly interesting contribution to the PSRP.\u00a0 Assisted by Jessica Doyle, she replicated her 1992 research in 2016<\/a> and compared the outcomes. Globally, the highest rates of inter-personal violence (IPV) are found in countries recently affected by wars.\u00a0 A study from Uganda showed women in conflict areas were 37% more likely to have experienced it than women in peaceful areas.\u00a0 In Northern Ireland there were 5,903 incidents reported in 1995\/6 compared to 29,000 in 2016\/17. However, McWilliams cautions that statistics cannot measure the extent to which such a dramatic increase may be to do with increased trust in and ability to have recourse to the justice system in a post conflict society.\u00a0 Comparing her 1992 findings with those in 2016, she found a 40% increase in the proportion of women who described the police as \u201chelpful.\u201d\u00a0 The 2016 study noted a decrease in armed violence against women after illegal weapons were decommissioned and legal ones were regulated.<\/p>\n

The PSRP addressed the stability of peace processes and their inclusiveness, the process of making sure that peace and justice are aligned.\u00a0 Professor Christine Bell who heads the Global Justice Academy says that while women are often now included in processes, it can by no means be assumed that their participation is meaningful, or that the women most impacted by the violence are at the table.\u00a0 Furthermore, even if commitments to equality for women after a conflict are made, that does not mean they will be delivered. She reflects on her own experience as a human rights activist in Northern Ireland during the period when the Good Friday Agreement<\/a> was negotiated.\u00a0 \u201cWhen we got human rights written into the Agreement we thought our work was done,\u201d she says.\u00a0 \u201cThen we discovered how hard it was to get it all into the legislation that followed.\u201d There is a risk of attrition at every stage, since inclusion is not necessarily welcomed by those accustomed to having the power to exclude.\u00a0 \u201cTypically some things change for the better, others stay the same, and others mutate or go backwards,\u201d says Bell.\u00a0 \u201cWhen it comes to women\u2019s equality, there is a constant need for vigilance.\u201d<\/p>\n

About the Author: Susan McKay is an author and journalist whose books include \u201cBear In Mind These Dead<\/a>\u201d (Faber 2007) and \u201cNorthern Protestants \u2013 An Unsettled People<\/a>\u201d (Blackstaff 2000). \u00a0She was one of the founders of the Belfast Rape Crisis Centre in the 1980s and was CEO of the National Women\u2019s Council of Ireland<\/a> from 2009 to 2012.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Image Credits: Global Justice Academy. All Rights Reserved.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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